无锡市周易数术学会

 
设为首页 | 收藏本站
国外论文

Richard Wilhelm:One Man’s Influence on Western Perceptions of the I Ching 易经对西方观念的影响力 —— 格兰杰

作者:格兰杰

No English-speaking learner of the I Ching can avoid the epic translations of Richard Wilhelm. Of the hundreds of translations that have been published since his death in 1930, none are as popular or wide reachingas his seminal 1923 version. And while many other translators of his time may have accomplished his breadth of work, none did so with the profound respect and love of Chinese culture and thought as did Wilhelm.

没有一个以英文为母语的易经学习者能绕过Richard Wilhelm的译作。从他逝后的30年代起,已经有几百个译本相继出版,但没有一个像他的1923年的精译本那样流行和意义深远。和他同一时代的其他译者或许有着和他一样宽泛的研究范围的人,但没人像Wilhelm那样尊重和热爱中国文化,他已经转化成了东方思维方式。


That being said, his commitment to China was rivaled only by his great respect for his own German heritage and the German thinkers of his time. Wilhelm’s translations are explicitly influenced by the writings of Goethe and Kant歌德、康德, as well as by his German Protestant新教教徒   upbringing. His translations were also affected by the specific circle of Chinese theologians in which he moved during his more than 20 years in China.

可以这么说吧,Wilhelm对中国文化的贡献可以比肩于他同时代的德国文化和德国思想家。他的译作很明显地受歌德与康德的作品的影响,也反映了德意志新教的思潮,当然,由于他移居中国逾20年,他也被中国特有的太极、神学等文化深深影响着。


That Wilhelm’s translation was deeply affected by the time in which he was living and the circumstances in which his thinking evolved is undeniable. The story of Wilhelm and his translation is also the story of the I Ching’s journey to the west. Wilhelm’s writings have profoundly influenced western thought about eastern thinking, and as such, an exploration of his life and relationships will reveal much about the roots of western perspectives on eastern thought.

Wilhelm的译作也深深地受他生活的时代和环境所影响。他和他的作品也就是易经西行的传奇。Wilhelm的译作对西方人看待东方思维具有深远意义,同样,对他的一生及社会关系的探索,也揭示了用西方视角去看待东方思维的根源。


A Translator’s Story

译者的传奇

Richard Wilhelm was born in born in Stuttgart, Germany in 1873, and first travelled to Qingdao, China in 1899 as a young missionary of the East Asia mission. At this time, the territory was under German control. In Qingdao, Wilhelm took it upon himself to found a school, which still exists today and continues to bear his name. Among missionaries in China, Wilhelm was unusual in that he never baptized a single Chinese person. Instead, as his months in China turned into years and decades, Wilhelm slowly began to understand Chinese wisdom and take it as his own.

Richard Wilhelm于1873年诞生于德国斯图加特,他于1899年作为东亚的传教士第一次到达中国青岛。那时的青岛属于德国殖民地。Wilhelm在青岛兴建了一所学校,这所学校迄今存在,并仍然沿用他的名字。Wilhelm是一个罕见的传教士,因为他没有为任何一个中国人行洗礼。相反,当他在中国越住越久,他开始慢慢理解中华文明并吸纳融合。


Times in China were complicated when Wilhelm first arrived. In 1900 the “Boxer Rebellion” broke out, pitting locals against the foreigners who had colonized the country. During this period, Wilhelm became involved in the conflict, but not as a fighter. When German troupes attacked Chinese villages he intervened as a negotiator to avoid further bloodshed.

Wilhelm初次抵达中国时那是一个混乱的年代。1900年义和团运动爆发,当地华人与外国殖民者产生严重对抗。Wilhelm介入了这场纷争,但他并非士兵。当德国军队攻击村庄时,他承担谈判工作,以避免更大的流血冲突。


In 1911, Wilhelm was witness to a tremendous turning point in Chinese history when the country became a republic after more than two thousand years of empire. In 1920, he returned to Germany for a short period, where he met several writers and thinkers who would greatly influence his work and translations: C. G. Jung, Albert Schweizer, Hermann Hesse and Count Keyserling.

在1911年,Wilhelm见证了中国历史上一次巨大的转折点(即辛亥革命),中国经历了两千多年的封建帝制变为共和政体。他于1920年短暂地回到德国,在那里遇到了对他的作品造成深远影响的几位作家和思想家。


C. G. Jung, Albert Schweizer, Hermann Hesse and Count Keyserling.

After returning to China for two more years, this time as scientific advisor to the German embassy, Wilhelm settled down at the University of Frankfurt. In 1924 he assumed the first chair of Sinology at the school, where he also founded the China Institute to further cultural exchange and research. His friendship with C. G. Jung deepened, and the two men eventually published the book The Secret of the Golden Flower. It was also during his time in Frankfurt that Wilhelm would complete his most famous and influential translation, I Ching: The Book of Changes. The translation was published in 1924, andan English translation of his work was released for the first time in 1950 with a foreword by Carl Jung.

Wilhelm回到中国,担任了两年的德国大使馆的顾问,随后他在法兰克福大学定居。1924年他成为汉学系的首席专家,他创建了中国研究院,推进了中德双方的文化交流和研究。他与C. G. Jung的友谊不断加深,两个人合作出版了《金花的秘密》(又译为:太乙金华宗旨)他在法兰克福完成了他的传世之作:《易经:周易》,德译本出版于1924年,英译本添加了Carl Jung的前言于1950年出版。


Wilhelm and Translation for a Higher Purpose

Wilhelm以及他的译作的更高追求

No writer or translator can be truly separated from the times in which he or she lived, and Wilhelm was no different. What made him unique was his own belief that the work he was doing stretched beyond the bounds of time and place. Wilhelm was a believer in the I Ching, and consulted it regularly. But at the same time he was bound to his Protestant upbringing and brought those religious perspectives to what he was translating. He believed that he was translating eternal values, and as such could not see how his translation was bound to the times he was living in and by his own personal background.

Wilhelm和其他作家或译者一样,不能与他们所生活的时代隔绝。他的不同之处在于,他坚信他的作品会超越时空的局限性,将永恒存世。Wilhelm是易经的信徒,以之为生活准则。但同时他又受限于新教思维,并把新教的宗教理念植入他的译作。他相信他在翻译一种不朽的价值,他的翻译并没有受到他生活的时代和他的个人背景之束缚。


In his writings, he compares himself and his work to the timelessness of Confucius:

“I did not proceed in a way different from that of Confucius and all the other Chinese sages who drew quite a few of their insights from thatbook..therefore, there must certainly be some common foundations of humankind that all our cultures – unconsciously and unrecognizedly – are based on…we must find a core in the innermost depth of the humane, from where we can tackle...the shaping of life.”

他在作品中是这样比较他和孔子的:

“我和孔子以及其他圣人一样,都从易经中获得了各自的领悟——那么,我们的文化,不管是无意识地还是不可知的,都必然基于一些人类的共性。我们必须挖掘隐藏在人性最深处的核心内容,以此来对待或重塑我们的人生。


Western Influences

Because he believed the works were timeless, he denied the influence of his own time and place on his translations. But those influences were there. Wilhelm displayed theoretical leanings along the lines of thinkers like Hans Driesch, Rudolf Eucken, Graf Keyserling, and, of course, C. G. Jung. His works were which are deeply affected by his understanding of the German classical age in philosophy and literature. Numerous are the parallels he draws from Goethe, Kant, and others which are meant to illustrate ideas expressed in the Changes. These influences have undoubtedly found their way into his translations. In her diatribe on the complexities of translating the I Ching, Dutch translator Ewald Berkers gives an example of how Goethe’s influence has affected the ultimate meaning of his translation:

西方的影响

因为他相信易经是永恒的著作,所以他认为他所处的时空对作品没有影响。但影响事实存在。Welhelm表现出了他学习Hans Driesch, Rudolf Eucken, Graf Keyserling, 以及C. G. Jung等思想家的理论体系,他的作品深受德国古典哲学和文学的影响。他在书中大量地引用了高德、歌德和其他人的名言来阐述观点。他的作品中无疑受到了西方的影响。荷兰译者Ewald Berkers在讽刺翻译易经的复杂程度时,举了以下的例子来说明歌德是如何影响他的译作的:


“The language that Wilhelm uses, which is inspired by Goethe's, certainly gives the text an aura of mysticism and authenticity, which may impress people. It has become quite popular, especially as it was the first Yijing text that gained widespread use in the West. But it doesn't mean that his translation is to be considered accurate. Many parts of the translation are debatable. Furthermore, Baynes' English translation does contain some remarkable translation decisions, like translating the German ‘der Edle’ with ‘the superior man,’ instead of the more direct ‘the noble’ or ‘the noble one.’ These words have some very different connotations.”

“Wilhelm所使用的语言和表达方式受到了歌德的启迪,这给他的文笔带来了神秘主义和权威的光环,无疑给人们留下深刻的印象。他的作品流传于世,尤其因为它是第一部易经文本,在西方得到广泛使用。但这并不意味着他的翻译是准确的。翻译的很多地方都值得商榷。此外,贝恩斯英语翻译中确实包含了一些显著的翻译决策,如翻译德语“der Edle”为“上等人”而不是更直接的“贵族”或“高尚的人”。这些词汇有着不同的内涵。”


Eastern Influences

Wilhelm lived more than 20 years in China, and there can be no doubt that the world in which he moved there exerted influence on his eventual translation.   He became close with many enlightened Chinese conservatives who felt compelled to defend China’s identity in various ways against the west. One line of defense arose through the comparisons of ancient Chinese and Western thinkers, which almost always led to the conclusion that one or another Chinese thinker had invented one or another saying or even the entire philosophical System of western making which came much later. Wilhelm’s sympathies for his Chinese contemporaries were recognized in one review of the first English translation of the 1924 work. In the Review of Books, critic Derk Bodde recognizes Wilhelm’s translation as superior to one of his contemporaries, James Legge.

东方的影响

Welhelm在中国生活了20多年,而且毫无疑问,他居住的环境影响着他的终极译作。他与许多开明的中国保守派关系密切,他们认为中国人必须反对西方,维护中国特色。他们比较了对中国古代的和西方的思想家,得出了这样的一个结论:和很晚才出现的西方哲学体系相比,任何一种观点或说法都对应着这个或那个古老的中国思想家的观点。Welhelm在1924出版的第一个英文版本里流露出了他对中国朋友们的怜悯之情。在书后的评论页中,评论家Derk Bodde承认威廉的翻译工作优于与他同时代的James Legge。


Writes Bodde:

On the whole, there is little doubt that Wilhelm has better succeeded in capturing the spirit and meaning of the original – not because he was superior to Legge as a Chinese scholar, but because his turn of mind allowed him to have a greater degree of sympathetic insight into this particular kind of text.”

Bodde这样写道:

“总体上说,Welhelm毫无疑问地更胜于抓取原著的精神和含义–不是因为他作为一名中国学者,强于Legge,而是因为他思想观念的转变让他对这种特殊文字有着更大程度的怜悯心和洞察力。”


A Confluence of East and West

Wilhelm held great faith in both western and eastern thinking and was deeply motivated by the idea of a “union of philosophy East and West” into a “shared philosophy of humankind.” This idea was also very popular in China, captivating thinkers like He Lin and Feng Youlan. An excellent example of this fusion occurred during the Chinese Music Week of 1927, which included a “celebration of a sacrificial ceremony for Beethoven according to the rites of Zhou.”

Many scholars from the circle surrounding the Confucius Society, established in 1913, were deeply convinced of the ahistorical character and the timeless nature of China’s traditional values. They shared Wilhelm’s attitude towards language, which did not necessarily value the historical context of a translation.

东方与西方的交汇处           

Welhelm同时信奉西方和东方的思维,他的认知从“东西方哲学一统”转变为“人类共享的哲学理念”。这个观点在中国也相当盛行,比如何林和冯友兰等思想家就极为认同。在1927年举办的中国音乐周上就产生了东西方文化融合的一个美妙事例,人们根据东方的周礼祭祀西方的贝多芬。         

成立于1913的孔子研究会培养了很多学者,他们都深信中国传统价值的历史特性和不朽内在。他们用不同的语言和Welhelm分享文化,即使他们当时并不认同译作的历史背景的价值所在。


Historical parallels between China and Wilhelm’s Germany

He saw great political parallels between Germany and China, particularly Germany’s defensive attitude after World War One.

On August 20, 1925, he wrote to Prince Schönburg: “I think there is no need to explicitly ensure your Highness that I regard it as important that Germany stays in touch with Europe in the narrower sense.” That being said, he also added, “China, in its struggle with European imperialism, whose main representatives today are Japan and England, is at the moment in a situation that is in all details comparable to that of Germany. It is therefore no wonder that especially the patriotically minded circles of China display great affinity with Germany.”

并行中的中国和德国             

Welhelm看到了德国和中国之间的巨大的政治相似之处,尤其是一战后德国的防御态度。           

在1925年8月20日,他写信给王子Schönburg:“我认为没有必要明确地提醒殿下,德国处于狭义地与欧洲接触的境地。”他还补充说,“中国目前正与以日本和英国为代表的欧洲帝国主义斗争,它现时的状况如同于我们德国。因此,毫不奇怪,中国的爱国思想界向德国展现了强烈的亲和力。”


Wilhelm’s “Second Translation”

Because Wilhelm believed in the timeless nature and constant applicability of the I Ching ancient Chinese texts, it was essential that the “eternal truths” he was translating speak directly to the readers of the translation. This presented a significant challenge for the German translator, for the I Ching is a complicated and often difficult to comprehend, even to the most practiced scholars.

In order to achieve the desired end, Wilhelm decided to follow every translation with an extensive commentary that almost served as a second translation. Nowhere in the text does Wilhelm explain why he chooses to proceed in this highly subjective manner.

“Only from his biography by Salome Wilhelm do we learn that “doubts arose as to whether the contents (of theLunyu) would be understood in Germany. It was therefore agreed to publish it in double translation: one literal and one that explains the meaning.”

Welhelm的“第二译本”             

因为Welhelm认为古老的《易经》有着不朽的内在和永恒的适用性,他把这些永恒的思想原封不动地传递给读者就显得至关重要。这就给翻译工作带来巨大挑战,因为易经过于复杂,即使对最有经验的学者来说也经常性难以理解,可谓“能意会而不能言传”。             

为了达到理想的目标,Welhelm决定在每一段译文后加上引申的后续评论,这样的评论几乎就是第二译本。Welhelm没有在文稿中阐述他为何要采用这样的主观方式来创作。           

“只有从Salome Welhelm撰写的传记中我们得知,在学习《论语》时我们很疑惑它是否能用德文来理解。因此最后我们一致同意出版两个版本:一个是字面上的直译,另一个是引申的意义。”


Wilhelm’s philological commentary is not to be read as such. Instead, it is to be considered an ahistorical “explanation of meaning.” Here, “meaning” is to be understood here as intrinsic meaning, something that the simple wording of the original text cannot convey. Wilhelm felt that his own “second translation,” in effect an interpretation of the text, was necessary to ensure that the words reached an uninitiated Western audience.

Also notable is Wilhelm’s arrangement of the material. The I Ching consists of two disparate sections: an original corpus consisting of brief descriptions of the sixty-four hexagrams and their individual lines, and a much later series of commentaries known as the “Ten Wings.” Instead of keeping the “Wings” separate, Wilhelm chops them up wherever possible by taking the text that may pertain to a particular hexagram and grouping it under that hexagram. The “Wing” text is then followed by Wilhelm’s own interpretation of the text. As such, it can be difficult to differentiate between the original text, the wing appendix, and Wilhelm’s own interpretation.

Welhelm的文献评论不是这样解读的,相反,它被认为是一个非历史性的“意会”。在这里,“意”可以被理解为内在的意义,是原来的简单文字不能表达的更深内涵。Welhelm觉得自己的“第二译本”对确保外行的西方读者解读易经的深刻内涵大有裨益。             

另外值得注意的是Welhelm的材料编排。易经由两个不同的部分组成:一个原始语料组成的六十四卦,个别线路的简要描述,和后来的系列评论称为“十翼”。Welhelm没有让“翼”分开,而是尽可能让它们排列在某一个卦下。“翼”的文字跟随着Welhelm对该文字的解读。因此,原始文字,翼的附录,和威廉的解读就变得难以区分、浑然一体。


There is little doubt that Wilhelm approached his translation with a pure desire to bring together the best of western and eastern thinking. However it must be acknowledged that his translation is deeply rooted in historical and cultural context, and must be read with this context in mind.

毫无疑问,Welhelm以他不掺任何杂念的、纯粹的态度,汇集了最好的东西方思维,最终达成了他的译作。但我们仍然要承认,他的翻译植根于特定的历史和文化背景,我们必须在阅读时加以留意。


Bibliography

Bodde, Dirk. 'Journal of the American Oriental Society' 70:4 (1950), pp 326–329.

Berkers, Ewald. 2010.The Essential I Ching, pp 32-33.

Liu Shu-hsien (Liu Shuxian). 1971. “The Religious Impact of Confucius’ Philosophy: Its Traditional Outlook and Contemporary Significance”, Philosophy East and West, 21: 157-175.

Minford, John. 1995. “Pieces of Eight. Reflections on Translating the Story of the Stone”, in Eugene Eoyang and Lin Yao-fu (eds.), Translating Chinese Literature. Bloomington/Indianapolis, Indiana University Press: 178-203.

Wilhelm, Salome (ed.). 1956. Richard Wilhelm. Der geistige Minier zwischen China und Europa. Mit einer Einleitung von Walter F. Otto. Düsseldorf, Diederichs.


            (译者:烨武)


    (作者单位:加拿大国际读者文摘)


文章分类: 第二届论文
分享到: